The terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 prompted the government to take drastic political action, such as the War on Terror, and inspired the American people to feel new cultural anxieties. Literature and popular culture also responded to 9/11 with attempts to make sense of such an unprecedented event. This thesis argues that superhero stories, both in comics and onscreen, are particularly well-suited to deconstruct and critique post-9/11 American society through their depictions of power and the question of how individuals with superpowers fit into society. Specifically, this thesis engages with Marvel Comics' Civil War (2006-07), its film adaptation Captain America: Civil War (2016), Dynamite Comics' The Boys (2006-12), and the first season of its television adaptation from Amazon (2019). Through examination of themes including accountability, corruption, and dominance, this thesis reveals how, in recent years, the tropes of the superhero genre have been portrayed in nuanced ways that do not allow for a simple binary between good and evil. As such, these stories reflect the difficulty Americans have faced in adjusting to the realities of post-9/11 America, as actions that were meant to provide security have proven increasingly fallible in the years since the terrorist attacks.
This research seeks to answer the following question: how do state-mandated parental involvement laws affect abortion rates across the country, and what impact does this have on educational attainment rates for women? In this study, Ordinary Least Squares regression-analysis will be utilized to estimate the impact parental notification laws have on girls' educational attainment in counties across the continental United States. Access to abortion has become increasingly dependent on state laws. Federal judiciary decisions are currently in place to protect a woman's right to have an abortion, namely the 1973 Supreme Court decision, Roe v. Wade. The Court has only set a minimum standard of access for abortions. Currently, thirty-seven states in the U.S. mandate parental involvement when a minor decides to have an abortion (Guttmacher Institute 2018). The strictness of these mandates vary by state. Twenty-six states require one (or both) parents to consent, and eleven states require that one (or both) parents to be notified (Guttmacher Institute 2018). As these mandates become increasingly strict, I hypothesize that there will be a negative effect on educational attainment rates for girls. Previous studies have proven the significant adverse effects of early motherhood on educational attainment that begin immediately (Zabin, Hirsch, and Emerson 1989). If early motherhood negatively impacts education, then parental involvement laws, which decrease abortion rates, must negatively impact educational attainment rates. I expect that stricter parental involvement laws will decrease a minor's access to abortions, causing a negative impact on the educational attainment of women residing in counties within that state. This analysis will show what degree of parental involvement laws hinder educational attainment and can work towards ensuring a future of equal educational attainment in the United States.
When the proposal for the Adirondack Northway, a north-south superhighway from Albany to the Canadian border, was announced in 1957, New York conservation activists deployed a multi-pronged strategy designed to prevent the project from doing irreparable environmental damage to the state Forest Preserve and the greater Adirondack region. Through influencing the state government, unleashing a concerted media campaign, and reaching out directly to the state electorate, a statewide opposition movement emerged that attempted to stop the highway from being built through the central Adirondacks and instead suggested an alternate route on the periphery of New York's vast northern wilderness. As the proposal progressed through multiple stages of the state policy process, including a public referendum, conservationists were repeatedly unsuccessful at preventing the highway's construction. Although the Northway opposition movement failed to alter the decision of the Governor, was not endorsed by the state Legislature, and was insufficient to sway a majority of New York's voters, the debate during this period raised many concerns about the long term impact of industrial and economic development on both state and private lands in the Adirondack Park. While the Northway was eventually authorized and its construction from 1959 to 1967 destroyed protected acres of Forest Preserve, the influence of conservationists in the policy process improved the project from a conservation standpoint and lessened its impact on wild acreage. Moreover, the Northway debate was the first widespread discussion of Adirondack development pressures and was a major reason that unwanted modification of nature, particularly on private land, became a focal point of New York conservation. The Northway controversy began discussions about state policy toward damaging wilderness development. These concerns would grow throughout the 1960s and eventually cause the state to enact comprehensive policy changes to protect not just the Forest Preserve, but the wild character of the entire Adirondack Park.
Queen Latifah and Tupac Shakur are both musical celebrities. Celebrities can be role models and issue-raisers, and both artists acted as such. Queen Latifah acted as a role model to women by describing how she empowered herself during instances of gendered violence and harassment. Although Queen Latifah talked about gender issues in her songs, she also described symptoms of institutional racism. Latifah talked about issues in black urban communities, such as Newark, where she as born. These issues included violence, drug use, income inequality, and housing. Latifah suggested black pride and black unity as a way to fix these problems. The reason why violence was so prevalent in the black urban community inthe 1980s and 1990s was because of practices that perpetuated income inequality between races, something that may not be immediately clear to a white listener or those that see black people as inherently violent. Shakur acted as a role model to young black males, adopting the thug persona to better connect with them. Shakur also acknowledged many instances of institutionalized racism, including police harassment and the systemic omission of black Americans from American history. Shakur threatened violence against others, but also described how the constant death and violence around him made him feel paranoid and suicidal. Mental health is a taboo topic in the black community, and his lyrics about his thoughts helped to erase the negative connotations associated with suicidal thoughts and mental illness. Shakur appeared to be an ally to women in many of his songs, yet he frequently acted in misogynistic ways as well. Both Queen Latifah and Tupac Shakur highlighted what institutionalized racism looked like on an everyday basis, spitting truths that others outside of the black community could hear.
“ … Department of Political Science, June 2016. ADVISOR: Bradley Hays Courts have historically allowed the NCAA to … ”
Abstract
Courts have historically allowed the NCAA to impose restrictions on student-athlete compensation in order to preserve the organization’s bedrock principles of amateurism and education. Recently, however, O’Bannon v. NCAA (2014) held that the NCAA’s restriction on compensating student-athletes for the use of their publicity violated antitrust law. Subsequently, the O’Bannon decision may produce a substantial, long-term legal impact on the future of amateurism and licensing in the NCAA. This thesis argues that legal change occurred in O’Bannon v. NCAA, because certain cultural conditions like the growing profitability of the NCAA, the media’s increasing criticism of NCAA, and antitrust victories against the NCAA have provided O’Bannon with the opportunity to alter the legal understanding of NCAA amateurism rules and the collegiate licensing market.
To understand this cultural construction of legality in O’Bannon, this thesis analyzes source material from different contexts in which culture influences O’Bannon, including the legal context and the media context. The legal context of culture produced legal resources necessary for legitimated change in O’Bannon. The pro-O’Bannon media coverage created an environment receptive to the claims of the O’Bannon complaint. These contexts both provided meaning and legitimacy to the legal ideas presented in the case.
“ … Niskayuna and Schenectady High Schools. ADVISOR: Professor Bradley Hays This thesis focuses on the No Child Left Behind … ”
Abstract
This thesis focuses on the No Child Left Behind Act of 2002 and the vocal criticism aimed at every facet of the educational reform policy. I chose to target my research locally based upon the claims being made about NCLB and the New York State Report Card database of publicly available information.
Claim: The No Child Left Behind Act has produced meager gains in achievement.
The data also demonstrates that most of the gains made in student achievement only regressed as the years increased from NCLB’s inception. Furthermore, I was able to find that achievement gaps between racial subgroups within a given school are larger in English Language Arts than Mathematics and the achievement gaps between high income and low-income students are larger between the schools than the gaps within a school.
Claim: “The use of mean proficiency has a disparate impact on schools serving low-income children and subgroup accountability can over-identify racially diverse schools as failing to make AYP.”
The key findings were that Niskayuna who serves a homogeneous student body was labeled “In Good Standing” each year, whereas Schenectady High School who serves a racially/ethnically student body was labeled “Requiring Academic Progress” every year.
Claim: Graduation rates are lower since the implementation of NCLB.
From this data I was able to conclude that NCLB did not improve Niskayuna or Schenectady High School’s graduation rates.
“ … March 8, 2009 Kevin J. Rautenstrauch Advisor: Professor Bradley Hays … ”
Abstract
On June 26, 2008 the United States Supreme Court, in a 5-4 decision, handed down an opinion that affirmed the ruling of the Federal Court of Appeals and thus struck down the handgun ban in the District of Columbia. The case pitted Dick Anthony Heller against the District of Columbia and had been mired in the appeals process since a February 2003 decision by a lower court upheld the District’s handgun ban as constitutional.
Gun policy in the United States has recently become a controversial issue. The Second Amendment of the United States Constitution states that, “A well regulated Militia, being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed”. It has been debated as to what is specifically meant by such an ambiguous clause. However, a textual analysis of the Second Amendment is not the purpose of this paper. Instead the litigation campaign surrounding District of Columbia v. Heller, disseminated by major players such as the National Rifle Association and the Cato Institute will be used to establish a reference point the future of gun control litigation as well as a framework to compare past litigation campaigns. By studying the impact of the litigation campaign leading up to the final decision of the Supreme Court we can better understand what it was about this campaign in particular that saw the conservative viewpoint win the day, why it did so, and explore the actions of the different groups involved leading up to the rendering of the decision along with the impact specific groups may or may not have had on the opinions written by Justices Scalia, Stevens, and Breyer.
“ … 4, 2009 Charles Douglas Bennett Jr. Advisor: Professor Bradley Hays … ”
Abstract
Since the reign of James I in the sixteenth century, African corsairs have been considered “the common enemy of mankind.”1 In the past two years, the waters off the coast of Somalia have become the maritime piracy capital of the world and have challenged the fundamentals of the international political and economic communities. The increasing frequency and severity of piracy off the Horn of Africa is unrivaled by any period in modern maritime history. In fact, piracy has in the last year become one of the most profitable and booming industries in the failed state of Somalia; employing thousands domestically and internationally. By the end of 2008, 111 pirate attacks were reported off the eastern coast of Somalia and the Gulf of Aden. In that same time, Somali pirates successfully hijacked 42 vessels and had taken 815 crewmembers hostage. In the first quarter of 2009, Somali pirates committed 61 acts of piracy, hijacked nine vessels, and 157 crewmembers were taken hostage. As of March 31, 2009, the International Maritime Bureau (IMB) suspected that Somali pirates were holding 10 vessels for ransom and 160 crewmembers as hostages.2 The economic impact of maritime piracy off Somalia is estimated in the tens of millions affecting individuals, multinational corporations, and governments of over twenty nations. The fundamental inefficiencies and inadequacies of the international political community will allow Somali piracy to thrive unless major multilateral policy actions are taken to address this nontraditional global security threat.
“ … Judicial Deference and the Chevron Doctrine ADVISOR: Bradley Hays Judicial review of agency rulemaking sits atop a … ”
Abstract
Judicial review of agency rulemaking sits atop a nexus between all three branches of American government, the legislature, the executive, and the judiciary. <em>Chevron v. NRDC </em>(1984), a landmark case in administrative law, and its resulting doctrine of strong judicial deference to agencies in their interpretations of statute, are paradoxical in their creation. Although <em>Chevron</em> was decided at the height of Reagan-era deregulation, it greatly enhanced the power of administrative agencies, allowing them to reinterpret the meaning of their statutory directives as needed to justify changes to regulations with less scrutiny from the courts. It is only in recent years that <em>Chevron</em> has attracted national attention, as members of Congress have proposed legislation to force the courts to eliminate judicial deference. More than thirty years after the <em>Chevron </em>decision, there is a political push against judicial deference that threatens its very existence. This research explores the creation and development of the <em>Chevron</em> doctrine and judicial deference as a whole through the lens of regime theory, focusing on the interaction between the Judiciary and the larger political environment. Congress often reacts to trends within the Judiciary, especially in areas that involve all three branches of government. How effectively Congress does or does not respond to these trends is influenced by the political narrative surrounding the issue. This research concludes that political coalitions that had previously been divided on an issue can be united and motivated by shaping and focusing on a constitutional narrative of the issue.
“ … Advisor: Prof. Clifford Brown. Special Thanks to Prof. Bradley D. Hays . The concept of federalism serves as the … echoes similar political themes in its applicability. As Bradley Hays (2010) documents in … . Accessed: 9 February … pubs.uchicago.edu/founders/documents/a1_8_18s11.html Hays,Bradley . (Mis)Understanding … of constitutional … ”
Abstract
The concept of federalism serves as the foundation for the American political system. The framers laid a foundation for balancing state and national tensions; and during the antebellum era American political actors wrestled with the proper application of these concepts. This paper traces the evolution of federalist principles beginning at the founding and culminating with the commonly misperceived Supreme Court case Prigg v. Pennsylvania by analyzing transformative historical moments and political regimes. Prigg v. Pennsylvania currently exists within contemporary political and constitutional scholarly literature as a slavery case decided upon moralistic bias and the Court's commitment to the institution of slavery. Closer analysis unveils the decision in Prigg's connection with the evolution of federalist principles throughout early American history. This paper attempts to uncover how institutional relationships shape governing political principles and how a variety of political actors, specifically the Supreme Court, are influenced by these relationships. The antebellum political order struggled with stabilizing sectional ideological divides and attempted to mitigate these issues by championing doctrines of political compromise. Through this paradigm, Prigg v. Pennsylvania's conventional status in constitutional literature can be shifted, and instead can be used as an analytical lens for understanding the antebellum political order.
“ … Olivia Strauzer Political Science Senior Thesis Professor Bradley D. Hays March 10th, 2023 … ”
Abstract
Despite the presence of sentencing guidelines, racial disparities in federal still exist. In this thesis, I hypothesize that the senators' partisanship and states ideologies affect racial disparities. This works through institutional factors and the context of the judges in how they decision make. In this study, I examine states through their senators and the ways in which senatorial courtesy influences the appointment of federal district court judges. The hypothesis looks into this influence and suggests that the more ideologically conservative a state is and its Senators are, the more likely there will be racial disparity in the federal district court sentence outcomes. In my findings, there is reason to believe that there is a slight disparity in more "Red" states, but the overarching answer is that all stats have racial disparity, therefore the United States Sentencing Commission Guidelines are not effective enough.
Just over a hundred years prior, American railroads claimed the unprecedented feat of traversing the entirety of the North American continent. At Promontory Point, Utah, two locomotives, the Jupiter and the No. 119, met pilot to pilot in an event which was broadcast nationwide via telegraph and is still memorialized today. In the years following, the railroad industry gained unprecedented power. In the late 19th century and the opening years of the 20th, much policy-making impetus was focused on checking the power of the railroads.Public sentiment largely opposed the monolithic strength wielded by the industry, and the federal government both strove to keep the power in check through regulating policies such as rate-setting as well as attempting to maintain the railroads as a public good through mandating equity of infrastructure among communities and setting standard rates.The importance of these regulations is demonstrated through the multitude of jurisprudence and lawmaking dedicated to the rail regulation. For the next half century, the regulatory scheme oscillated somewhat between ideological poles, but all the while avoiding what could be described as a laissez-faire approach. However, by the mid-1970s, the railroad industry was on its proverbial knees. Crippled by the expansion and subsidization of automobile transport and hampered by antiquated regulations, railroad companies were merging, deferring maintenance and cutting service across the country in an attempt to stay solvent. The aforementioned film highlights the railroad industry in this period? its purpose was to entice the federal government into "saving" the railroad through financial assistance. However, what occurred between and 1980 was distinctly more drastic. In a series of acts of heretofore unseen scope, Congress widely deregulated railroads through the passage of the Staggers Rail Act of 1980, while nearly simultaneously nationalizing intercity passenger rail service through the creation of the National Railroad Passenger Corporation, or Amtrak, and northeastern freight rail transport through the Consolidated Rail Corporation (Conrail).
“ … and Political Science, June 2020. ADVISORS: Judith Lewin, BradleyHays, and Dan Venning The terrorist attacks of September 11, … ”
Abstract
The terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 prompted the government to take drastic political action, such as the War on Terror, and inspired the American people to feel new cultural anxieties. Literature and popular culture also responded to 9/11 with attempts to make sense of such an unprecedented event. This thesis argues that superhero stories, both in comics and onscreen, are particularly well-suited to deconstruct and critique post-9/11 American society through their depictions of power and the question of how individuals with superpowers fit into society. Specifically, this thesis engages with Marvel Comics' <em>Civil War</em> (2006-07), its film adaptation <em>Captain America: Civil War</em> (2016), Dynamite Comics' <em>The Boys</em> (2006-12), and the first season of its television adaptation from Amazon (2019). Through examination of themes including accountability, corruption and dominance, this thesis reveals how, in recent years, the tropes of the superhero genre have been portrayed in nuanced ways that do not allow for a simple binary between good and evil. As such, these stories reflect the difficulty Americans have faced in adjusting to the realities of post-9/11 America, as actions that were meant to provide security have proven increasingly fallible in the years since the terrorist attacks.
The Age of the Common Man was a period of American political history lasting from 1820 to 1850 characterized by the implementation of universal white manhood suffrage by every state through removing property and tax qualifications from state constitutional suffrage laws, as well as the "common man" entering the center of much political discourse. These conventions were demanded by the political, social, economic, and in some cases physical climates and conditions of each state. To look at these factors, this thesis divides the nation into three regions, two of which are examined: the Northeast, the Northwest, and the South (the South is not examined).
In the Northeast, the conditions driving suffrage expansion were largely a result of changes to urban economies. These changes, caused by the Industrial, Transportation, and Communications Revolutions, created a class of landless urban laborers that were denied suffrage. At the same time, a new generation of Americans was replacing that of the Founding Fathers and rejected many of their predecessors' aristocratic and elitist ideals and sought to implement the democracy seemingly promised to them by the American Revolution. Urban laborers began to organize into unions which were supported and strengthened by Workingmen's Parties, local and state-level parties that advocated for the rights of laborers. These organizations created a political presence of urban laborers that politicians could not longer ignore.
In the Northwest, the egalitarian "frontier ethos" that existed from the beginning of Western settlement demanded a democratic system of leadership by persuasion and example. The creation of settlements in a vacuum of social, economic, and political hierarchies like those that existed in the East made it so that frontiersmen had to work together in a democracy to address the issues facing their society.
As all of this was happening, politics were changing at a national level. America's Second Party system was forming, creating increasingly contentious elections. Beginning in 1824, a shift from election by legislative caucus to election by popular vote caused these parties to look to the people for support and address their concerns to garner as much support as possible. In the East this meant absorbing the efforts of Workingmen's Parties and in the West this meant nominating candidates reflective of frontiersmen and the egalitarian nature of the frontier itself including Andrew Jackson and William Henry Harrison. The Transportation and Communications Revolutions centralized information, spreading the ideas of each region to the other.
This shift in politics at state, regional, and national levels caused state legislators to reevaluate their constitutional suffrage laws and extend the right to vote to the common man. Within a few years of the beginning and end of the Age of the Common Man, every state held a convention that resulted in the guaranteeing of suffrage for all white men.
This thesis aims to provide a comprehensive look at all of the listed regional and national factors creating a national trend of democratization via suffrage reform. To do so, the works of historians and political scientists were reviewed, but more importantly documents from the time were researched in depth. These documents are newspapers from all over the country, materials surrounding state constitutions and constitutional conventions, and documents relating to the American Revolution, all of which gave unique insights into the mindsets of both common citizens and politicians.
Out of this period came the first concrete step in suffrage reform that allowed for the democratic progress since then to take place. It is in this regard that understanding the developments made between 1820 and 1850 is important, for without doing so, understanding American political development since 1850 would be impossible.
“ … New York’s 19th District in the 115th Congress ADVISOR: Bradley Hays The disconnect between members of Congress and … ”
Abstract
The disconnect between members of Congress and the American public is no secret. Of the three branches of government, the legislative branch is intended to be the most representative of the people. However, it consistently faces the lowest approval ratings among the American public. Although the public largely disapproves of Congress as a legislative body, most Americans support their own representative. This phenomenon is reflected in high reelection rates for congressional incumbents. My thesis examines the relationship between congressional representation and elections through an evaluation of the representational style of Congressman John Faso. Faso, who represented New York's 19th District in the 115th Congress, lost reelection after a single term. I assess the role of political communication in representational style through a qualitative interpretation of Faso's press releases. I utilize press releases as a method for understanding representational style because Faso used this tool to explain positions and votes. Through an analysis of two politically-polarizing case studies, healthcare and tax reform, I determine that Congressman Faso lacked a cohesive representational style during the 115th Congress. Additionally, I conclude that Congressman Faso's inconsistent representational style had electoral implications in a toss-up district.
“ … of Political Science, June 2012. ADVISOR: Bradley Hays There have been numerous political … ”
Abstract
There have been numerous political movements based on conservative ideology throughout the course of American history. However, the question still remains as to why these conservative movements occur and what plays a role their uprising. My thesis hypothesized that there are three factors that contribute to the surfacing of conservative political movement in American history? a deviation from republican principles such as constitutionalism and virtue, a perceived threat to individual liberties by infringement through policies involving taxation and economic regulation and the aggrandizement of power by the federal government beyond inherent constitutional limits. These three factors were examined through the analysis of three case studies where which a CPM was understood to have developed? the Jefferson Presidency in the early 1800's, the New Deal Era during Franklin D. Roosevelt's presidency in the 1930's and the Tea party movement in contemporary politics. Based on the examination of these case studies, observed through the lens of the three theorized factors, I have found a strain of continuity. The implications of this research provide a characterization of CPMs in the United States and allow for the future prediction of the development of a CPM when these three factors are present American politics.
“ … of Political Science and Classics, March 2017 ADVISORS: Bradley D. Hays and Mark S. Toher In its original usage, … ”
Abstract
In its original usage, "demagogue" did not carry any pejorative meaning. It was a term used to describe the tactics of a leader, not his character. The original definition was corrupted by Plutarch who, in his Athenian lives, created a distinction between demagogues (bad leaders), and statesmen (good leaders). But Plutarch's distinction was not based on the actions or character of the leader, but simply on whether the historian Thucydides portrayed the politician in a positive or negative light. This creates a problem for modern analysis of demagogues since it is difficult to define the characteristics of a demagogue. The most common practice today is to classify anyone who is aggressive in nature as a demagogue, which ultimately leads to an overly broad and amorphous category. But study of the traits and actions of ancient Athenian politicians, can discern the true nature and identifiers of destructive political leadership. My analysis of ancient Athenian politicians covers Pericles, Cleon, and Alcibiades. After determining the true nature of demagogic action in Athens, I applied my findings to the American system. This analysis identifies the Constitutional barriers that were designed to prevent the rise of demagogues, as well as the processes by which these barriers were dismantled. I then applied my findings of what constitutes true demagogic action to modern America in order to determine which institutions I found to be most emblematic of demagoguery. I discovered that the best example of demagoguery in modern America is the Drug Enforcement Administration since their parochial interests and manipulative popular tactics closely parallel those that were most destructive to the democracy of ancient Athens.
“ … and judicial officials (Chaddah et al. 2001, 84). In Bradley Hays ’ “Jurispathic Baltimore? Law and Nomoi in The … Hays (2016, 531) stated … & Social Inquiry 31(3): 757–784. Hays,Bradley D. 2016. “Jurispathic Baltimore? Law and Nomoi … ”
Abstract
This thesis is a content analysis of HBO's fourth season of <em>The Wire</em>. After conducting an in-depth analysis of the content in the thirteen episodes of season four, I then assessed the level of accuracy in the show's portrayal of two major topics discussed throughout the season: Witness protection and police informant harassment. I did so by conducting several interviews with professionals who have several decades of experience working in the criminal justice system. I compared their personal experience with witness protection programs, witness harassment, and police informant harassment with the content presented in <em>The Wire</em> on these topics. Finally, I presented my own conclusions about the show's continued importance and relevance in the age of social and political activism in 2020 and 2021.
In Chapter One, I will present my literature review of the work already published on the relationship between American popular culture and the legal system in the United States, as well as the work published on <em>The Wire</em> itself. In Chapter Two, I will describe my methodology for my analysis process of season four of <em>The Wire</em> and the goals and expectations I had prior to beginning my research. In Chapter Three, I will present my analysis of season four and my overall findings of the show's portrayal of schools, the drug trade/criminal activity, law enforcement, and politics. In Chapter Four, I will present my process of interviewing several professionals who work in the criminal justice system and my findings from these interviews. In Chapter Five, I will finally conclude my thesis and suggest future directions for researchers to go in and how <em>The Wire</em> continues to remain relevant in 2021.
The purpose of my research is to reevaluate and extend the commonly understood time frame of Reconstruction by scholars to include Southern women's ideological Reconstruction as well as provide a particular perspective on women during this era, which is underdeveloped in literature. Elite, white women during the Civil War began a journey towards independence and involvement in the public sphere. This evolution occurred approximately fifteen years behind similar actions taken by Northern women; this paper attempts to explain this lag. Additionally, my research asserts that Southern women were forced in a sense to become independent during the Civil War while their men were fighting, once Reconstruction began, rather than publically asserting this independence instead retired into the private domestic sphere cultivating a different degree of independence until Northern subjugation was removed and women felt secure enough in their feminine role in society to more towards reform involvement. I have primarily used diaries written by women of this demographic during the Civil War and years following to show a specific ideological progression using their own words as evidence to support this thesis as well as various archives from women's groups.
“ … Fay 2 Acknowledgements I want to thank Professor Bradley Hays . This project would not have been possible … Republican Theories of Governance Benjamin Fay Professor Bradley D. Hays * * * * * * * * * * * * * Submitted in … ”
Abstract
This paper explores the history of American patent law in relation to classical liberalism and classical republicanism. In a basic sense liberalism emphasizes the importance of individuals, while republicanism underscores individual sacrifice for the good of the community. A patent creates a temporary monopoly privilege for an individual to encourage disclosure of his invention to the public. On the one hand, patent law exists to protect an individual's claim to his invention. On the other hand, patent law exists to facilitate the transfer of ideas into the common knowledge pool. In this way, a patent balances an individual's property right with an obligation to sacrifice exclusive hold over an idea by publishing that idea from which the community may benefit. A historical analysis indicates that classical liberalism and classical republicanism balance and shape the development of early patent law. Now, the emergence of multinational pharmaceutical companies has created new concerns adding layers of complexity to the law. These modern developments make the balance between these ideologies more difficult to discern and distort traditional attentions of both. Although new issues dominate patent law, these theories of governance still linger below the surface and a debate between individualism and altruism reappears during the most recent legislation, influencing patent law. Inadvertently, this debate is shallow and overlooks problems of the modern patent system, demonstrating the power of classical liberalism and classical republicanism to obscure political reality in patent law.
“ … in Death Penalty Policies, June 2015. ADVISOR: Professor Bradley D. Hays Despite the 1976 affirmation by the Supreme … … vi Acknowledgements I would like to thank Professor Bradley D. Hays for his continued patience and support … ”
Abstract
Despite the 1976 affirmation by the Supreme Court that the death penalty does not violate the Constitution, some states have moved away from this practice due to a variety of reasons to the point that there appears to be regional differences in policy on this issue. The objective of this study is to determine which factors influence public opinion on capital punishment and how they account for the regional discrepancies in policy. I identify a number of demographic factors that have been found to influence this opinion on a national scale, for reexamination at the regional level. Six states are selected to represent the six regions of the United States.
Using the Survey Documentation and Analysis software, I examine those demographic factors, as well as party ideology, crime rates, and urbanization trends, to determine how they interact and influence public opinion within the different regions. These opinions are then compared to their state's corresponding policy. Additionally, I conduct an analysis of newspaper editorial articles for each of the states. Utilizing SPSS, I look at the variety of arguments for and against the death penalty to determine how this could impact public opinion and policy.
Although this study did not reveal every factor that influences public opinion on capital punishment, it has pointed out some key features that, in combination with the media influence, explain why we observe differing policies among the regions, as well as the potential policy changes that could result if certain aspects of those regions were modified.
“ … Resolutions and Wiretapping/Eavesdropping Laws ADVISOR: Bradley Hays The USA Patriot Act, passed in September 2001, … ”
Abstract
The USA Patriot Act, passed in September 2001, changed the standards of Fourth Amendment rights and protections. The USA Patriot Act gave more authority to the government and diminished the rights and privileges given to individual citizens. An eruption of Fourth Amendment legislation and cases arose in the states following the passage of the act and it created a problem for policy and implementation. The legislation presented, for the USA Patriot Act and wiretapping/eavesdropping laws, demonstrated the differences in opinions on these issues on the individual state level. These drastic differences in policy between states created a question of why individual states act so varied both in their policies and implementation.
This thesis unfolds the relationship between Fourth Amendment legislation and the ideology/partisanship of individual states. Partisanship and ideology are often considered to be major factors in the decision-making process of state governments. In the first wave of legislation, the partisanship/ideology of the states did not affect the type of legislation passed. However, in the second wave of legislation, partisanship/ideology appeared to play a more significant role. Therefore, the question emerges as to why ideology/partisanship did not correlate with the legislation passed in the first wave, yet it did show a relationship in the second wave. While, there is no definitive answer, this thesis explored the possible reasons and the other factors that could of contributed to the type of legislation passed in the individual state governments.
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