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In Original leaves from famous books : nine centuries, 1122 A.D - 1923 A.D.

Part of Original leaves from famous books : nine centuries, 1122 A.D - 1923 A.D.

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A leaf from a printed edition of the Elegias by Milton, contained in a larger publication, Paradise Regain'd ... Samson Agonistes, published Hammersmith (London) : Doves Press, 1905. The leaf is paginated 277-278, encompassing portions of Elegia Prima, line 83 to Elegia Tertia, line 14

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Still Image

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Digital Publisher

In Original leaves from famous books : eight centuries, 1240 A.D.-1923 A.D.

Part of Original leaves from famous books : eight centuries, 1240 A.D.-1923 A.D.

Abstract

A leaf from a printed edition of the Masque of Comus by Milton, contained in a larger publication, Paradise Regain'd ... Samson Agonistes, published Hammersmith (London) : Doves Press, 1905. The leaf is paginated 245-246. encompassing portions of the Masque of Comus, "That wontst to love the travailers benizon" to "Far from the cheerful haunt of men, and herds."

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Still Image

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Digital Publisher

In The Union College Garnet

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Book

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In Alumni Files

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DigitalDocument

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In Alumni Files

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DigitalDocument

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In Alumni Files

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DigitalDocument

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In Alumni Files

Type of Resource

DigitalDocument

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In Alumni Files

Type of Resource

DigitalDocument

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In Alumni Files

Type of Resource

DigitalDocument

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In Alumni Files

Type of Resource

DigitalDocument

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In Alumni Files

Type of Resource

DigitalDocument

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In Alumni Files

Type of Resource

DigitalDocument

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In Alumni Files

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DigitalDocument

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In Alumni Files

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DigitalDocument

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In Alumni Files

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DigitalDocument

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In ARL Publications

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The Adirondack Chronology is intended to be a useful resource for researchers and others interested in the Adirondacks and Adirondack history.

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DigitalDocument

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In Steinmetz Symposium

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During the winter months in northern climates solar arrays are hampered by snow and ice. They are often rendered inoperable by snow accumulation as the sun's radiation is unable to reach the panels. Developing a system to remove the snow will make installing PV systems in snowy climates more economical and make the arrays produce more power. This project investigated one of the three general approaches to removing snow from photovoltaic modules. Mechanical, chemical, and thermal solutions have all been proposed with varying degrees of success. This project primarily focuses on thermal methods to initiate snow sliding off solar modules. The study presents data and quantifies the amount of power lost following a snowstorm when panels are blocked. This will provide an estimate on how much energy is needed to clear the snow from the panels. Two thermal methods were tested to clear snow. The first method focused on conductive heat transfer. A length of heat tape was mounted to the rear to the panel, and following a snowstorm, this was turned on to heat the surface of the panel. The goal is to melt a water layer between the snow and the glass surface to cause the snow to slide from the panel. The second method tested uses convective heat transfer. The panel is heated using forced hot air. This could potentially be recycled ventilation air from the building on which the solar panels are mounted. This method does not require any additional energy to clear snow. The results from the project indicate that additional power can be generated from clearing solar panels using thermal methods.

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DigitalDocument

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Controlled Access Terms

In Honors Theses

Abstract

While museums have a distinct responsibility to operate as custodians of the past, they must, at the same time, serve a contemporary audience that is continuously faced with new technologies for accessing and communicating information. In this paper, I discuss the benefits of digital media as a significant didactic tool through which we can interact with and access the artistic past. As many museums have recognized the utility of the Internet for publicizing their collections, I evaluate the theoretical implications of their use of digitally reproduced media to promote collections and design educational programs for the web. I focus specifically on how Google Art Project’s compilation of high-resolution reproductions has enhanced our art viewing experience. I also, however, scrutinize their content and strategize new ways in which Google can improve their current program by developing more participatory opportunities for users. As new digital technologies continue to shape and broaden our standards for visual literacy, web-based programs assert themselves as viable options for achieving greater outreach and providing relevant experiences that cater to the needs of a vast and diverse contemporary audience.

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Thesis

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In Honors Theses

Abstract

In the years following the publication of the Origin, two “young and rising naturalists,” Thomas Huxley and Ernst Haeckel, not only applied Darwinian theory to their scientific research, but also wrote widely published works bringing Darwin’s name to public notice. Huxley defended Darwin so rigorously in public debate and writing that he earned the nickname “Darwin’s Bulldog,” pugnaciously taking on all comers, from bishops to scientists. Ernst Haeckel tirelessly publicized Darwin’s work, in his time doing more to bring evolutionary theory to public attention than any other single person, and incorporating it into a philosophy based on science.

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In Honors Theses

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This thesis is a historiography of the Mountain Meadows Massacre. The Mountain Meadows Massacre occurred in southern Utah on September 11th, 1857. One hundred and twenty people, mostly from Arkansas, were killed. For historians, it is very difficult to piece together everything that caused and happened during the Massacre because there are only the statements of the murderers and surviving small children to work with. In addition, many of the documents that would have shed light on what really happened were either lost or destroyed to protect those involved in attempt to hide the crime entirely. As a result the histories that have been written about the Mountain Meadows Massacre vary widely. But the basic facts are that Mormons and Paiute Indians put the Fancher wagon train under siege on September 7th, and massacred the train on September 11th. I will delve into the historiography of the event, chronicling the causes of the Massacre, who was involved and what happened September 11, 1857. In discussing all of these things I will study how the story of the Massacre has been told over the last 153 years and in what ways a historian’s approach to the Massacre was based on his/her religious background. I will pay particular attention to historians that wrote just on the Mountain Meadows Massacre, instead of the history of Utah with a chapter on the Massacre.

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In Honors Theses

Abstract

In 1878, a cry went out to every corner of Virginia, summoning delegates “by county, district and ward” to meet. In Richmond they would convene, to defend her people from “an organized party, openly proclaimed,” of corrupt aristocrats and northern bankers, bent upon conducting a “crusade against the people…. and imperiling [sic] their rights and interests as citizens and taxpayers.” And respond Virginia did. From three major cities and fifty nine counties they came: Conservatives, Independents, Republicans; preachers, businessmen, aristocrats, doctors, and farmers; whites and blacks alike. “A wail from the people” arose against the machinations of “rings and court-house cliques,” “brokers and the broker press” who sought to prostitute the Old Dominion at the merciless whim of her creditors. The following year in Richmond that motley group of poor white farmers, blacks, ruined and scheming industrialists, social progressives, financial pragmatists, and political hangers-on broke from the dominant Conservative party, named themselves “Readjusters,” and took their place as one of the first great populist movements of the post Civil-War era.

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In Honors Theses

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The problem of Colombian drug production and trafficking, as well as the security challenges it presents, has been a major contemporary focus of American military and strategic foreign policy. Due to its critical position in Latin America and the willingness of its heads of state to cooperate with U.S. leaders, several American administrations have worked tirelessly to arrest the problem of drug production and trafficking in this consistently conflicted nation. While the nature of the illegal drug industry of Colombia has changed vastly since the 1980s, the most recent American presidents have persistently pursued a variety of similar measures, ostensibly in the hopes of eliminating as much of this trade as possible. Plan Colombia, the first and most major milestone in this effort, was created by the Clinton administration in 2000 with the goal of hindering “enduring critical societal, national security, and economic problems that stem in large part from the drug trade and the internal conflict that it finances.”1 Consistently provided with supplemental aid to the present day, Plan Colombia—although it has since changed labels and added objectives—has remained the primary policy tenet in American foreign tactics toward its Latin American ally. Despite these extensive efforts, this policy has consistently fallen short of its stated goals, underperforming in several crucial areas such as reduction of raw coca, disruption of trafficking profits, and halting drug-funded weapons acquisitions by illegal armed groups. An apparent unwillingness to diverge from a supply-side, military mentality ensures that American policy towards Colombia will continue to fall short in its core missions of stemming cocaine flow into the U.S. and halting the Colombian violence associated with it. Beyond these original objectives, the narrow focus on military solutions and the supply side of the cocaine issue may be indicative of unstated American goals beyond eliminating drug production and trafficking, and also of the presence of unseen interests ensuring the policy’s constant renewal. A continual and currently increasing onus on American military presence in the region may be demonstrative of political motivations for deterrence of perceived threats from other Latin American actors, most notably from outspoken socialist leader Hugo Chavez of Venezuela. The so-called “counter-narcoterrorism” policy utilized towards Colombia appears to be not just about narcotics, but also a form of political and military intervention aimed at maintaining dominance in the region. Further, interested private corporations receiving large military contracts to work against the drug problem in Colombia may be another force promoting the basic mistakes behind the policy’s frequent and notable failure. The continuance of the same approach in the face of a lack of results may be evidence that it is, in the words of political scholar John M. Rothgeb Jr., a “Trojan Horse model” policy, regenerating in the face of failure because it serves military, strategic and private interests not made known to the American public. By examining a variety of viewpoints, understandings and policy formations towards the Colombian illegal drug industry, I hope to explore and assess the answers to several important questions. Taking Plan Colombia and its successors at face value, what are some ways to improve its success in stemming the flow of illegal narcotics to the U.S.? What specific interests and motivations—both government and private—lie behind continuing this policy in its current manifestation, and what do they stand to gain? How is the goal of reducing supply presented to the American public as a cover for, in the words of Axel Klein, “intermediary goals?” Is there a suitable foreign policy model explaining such government choices? By answering these questions, I hope to not only examine potential solutions to the stated counterdrug goals of Plan Colombia, but also to explore what goals the American government hopes to accomplish by continuing the policy along the lines of the status quo.

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In Honors Theses

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Historians have spent considerable time discussing American Exceptionalism and Manifest Destiny, with good reason. American Exceptionalism is the belief that since its creation, the United States of America and its citizens possess exceptional qualities setting them apart from the rest of the world. Manifest Destiny is the belief that the nation was destined to extend its boundaries from the Atlantic to the Pacific Ocean for its citizens’ benefit. Though both topics have been extensively studied, the historical literature lacks a thorough discussion regarding the connection between these two concepts. This thesis links them by explaining how Jeffersonian ideology shaped notions of American Exceptionalism, which in turn would influence United States policy significantly in early America. By the 1840s, American Exceptionalism continued to flourish as a widely accepted concept and was articulated in geographic terms as Manifest Destiny. Together, American Exceptionalism and Manifest Destiny provided the nation and its citizens with an acceptable rationale for aggressive expansion, which culminated in the Mexican War. The evidence presented in this thesis can be categorized as either public or political sources. Small, partisan newspapers provide a sense of public opinion related to these two concepts. An understanding of the political realm comes from political and military leaders’ public statements, private correspondence, and memoirs, as well as Congressional debates. Analyzing sources from both the public and political spheres is important because political documents contain explicit statements regarding controversial policies, whereas newspaper editorials reveal the implicit motives behind those policies. Before it developed into a powerful program of expansionism, American Exceptionalism had to be characterized in such a way that it would appeal to Americans. Thomas Jefferson accomplished this by simply asserting that virtuous, autonomous citizens were required in order to maintain a successful republic. American Indian policy based on land acquisition was deemed necessary, by first trying to “civilize” American Indians and then expelling the “uncivilized” Indians to create room for the republic and its citizens to prosper. The latter was pursued vigorously under Andrew Jackson’s leadership. The support of expansion by Americans is chronicled in newspaper coverage of the intense election of 1844 that declared Democrat and expansionist James Polk the victor over Whig Henry Clay. Although not all of Polk’s supporters had exceptionalism as their motive for expansion, notably southern slave owners, a considerable amount of northerners wanted to spread republicanism and therefore voted for Polk and the Annexation of Texas, a republic eager to join the United States. In 1845, John O’Sullivan asserted that the exceptional citizens of the U. S. still needed to grow as he declared that the Manifest Destiny of the nation was to extend to the Pacific Ocean. Exceptionalism then took on an aggressive aspect with the onset of the Mexican War. Using Manifest Destiny as both justification and propaganda, the United States waged war against Mexico, certain that the land would be better managed and populated as part of its own Republic. The U.S. government settled for the fulfillment of Manifest Destiny rather than overthrow a sovereign republic. Thus, American Exceptionalism prevented the U.S. from seeking the entirety of Mexico and preserved its identity as a republic inherently superior to a colonial empire.

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In Honors Theses

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Libertarians, both the intellectuals and members of the political party, claim that America does not provide for its citizens the freedom and liberty promised by the founding of the nation. They argue that the federal government has asserted too much power over the private lives of individual Americans, and that growths in federal power at the cost of state and individual autonomy have abandoned Federalist principles upon which our nation was founded. In order to determine if libertarians are correct in asserting that American liberty has been corrupted, I examined how several relevant political thinkers defined liberty, and then how the founders intended to balance liberty of the citizens with the power of the government. I determined that the founders intended on protecting negative liberty, as Libertarians assert, but that they also accounted for a type of positive liberty—the attainment of collective benefits as described by the Constitution and the people themselves—that Libertarian arguments fail to take into account. I then examined liberty in the modern context, by first investigating the libertarian critique, and then turning to an examination of the relationship between the American citizenry and the government, to find out how the liberty of the citizens and the power of the government have been reconciled throughout modern history. I examined the growth in legislative and executive power to try and determine if our liberty has been compromised. I found that it has not been compromised in the legislative branch, but certain growths in executive power are troublesome to the balance between positive and negative liberty, and the liberty of the citizens compared to the power of the government.

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In Honors Theses

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Propaganda was seen as one of the most influential tools during World War II, and three of the most powerful nations during this era, the United States, the United Kingdom, and Germany, turned to the film industry to mobilize the public. However, political and social circumstances created three very different developments in cinematic wartime propaganda. The general attitude towards propaganda in all three nations was an underlying suspicion towards government controlled films. This distrust was taken into account and the films that emerged from this period not only utilized traditional methods of propaganda and clandestine collaborations by government and independent bodies but developed into its own form of stylistic cinema. The propaganda that developed in these countries was shaped both by the current political and social conditions. The need for propaganda bolstered film production in all three nations. Germany’s film industry was more productive than ever due to the government’s investment in cinema and the elimination of competition from Hollywood and other national film industries. By the outbreak of the war production was at an all time high. However, in America and the United Kingdom, the government proved to be more a detriment than a benefit. The lack of support by both governments placed the responsibility on to the national film industry. The evolution in the United States was the slowest governed by a combination of isolationism, racial insecurities, and the film industry’s self-imposed strict censorship. It was the politically-minded artistic talent in Hollywood who took it upon themselves to produce propaganda bringing the nation out of isolationism. Propaganda production was even more difficult in the U.K. Despite a Ministry established for the specific purpose of propaganda, for most of the war the ministry was ineffective due to poor leadership and government restrictions and censorship. As a result most British propaganda was produced independently of the government, and in response to the British people’s demand to be informed documentaries became the propaganda of choice. The wartime productions from Hollywood bore little resemblance to their British ally. Where Hollywood utilized the western film, exchanging cowboys for soldiers, the battlefields were clean and the soldiers came out victorious and unscathed. Such cinema was rejected in the United Kingdom. The constant fear of foreign attacks, the bombardment of the cities, and the extensive casualties made such fanciful depictions of war insulting to the British people. Military presence and bombardment affected the cinematic styles of Germany, as well. Images of the SS were generally box office failures. However war films that existed in fictional or past eras were successful in capturing the attention of the audience while still providing a militaristic message. The cinema of Germany emulated the popular films of Hollywood, and much of the cinema coming out of the era were not the intimidating fascist images many identify with the regime, but rather romantic dramas, comedies, and musicals that bore striking resemblance to Hollywood films. Social restraints also impacted wartime cinema. Highly influencing the type of propaganda in the U.K. were the British people, as the leftist Labour Party held an authoritative role in the government. Unlike Germany which had eradicated all opposing socialists and critics of the government, or the United States which was governed by a strong conservative and isolationist mindset. These conditions greatly impacted the style of propaganda being released during this period. Propaganda evolved from being just a medium to convey a message to its own entity, which not only influenced the audiences but also entertained them. Although this period in cinema became notorious for its propaganda, its production also enabled new developments in filming and editing techniques, which are now standard in the film industry.

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